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Modern Korean indigenous new religions were originally peripheral faiths—Buddhism, Seondo (immortal Daoist practice), Daoism, folk belief, shamanism, etc.—that had been fragmented and pushed to the margins in a traditional Confucian society. They emerged amid the external threat of Western imperialism and the internal contradictions of late Joseon Confucian society, at a time when the Confucian tradition of yangban aristocratic men dominated the social hierarchy as the official religion. This article examines the family resemblances of modern Korean indigenous new religions through four key aspects: (1) the modern transformation of the concept of the divine— a dynamic revitalization of transcendent reality and an enhancement of direct communication with it; (2) the faith-oriented transformation of religious practice—as Confucian self-cultivation centered on sincerity (seong 誠) and reverence (gyeong 敬) was inherited and then reappropriated into the practice of “sincerity, reverence, and faith” (seong-gyeong-sin 誠敬信), emphasizing “faith” (sin 信); (3) the divergence of practice into meditative disciplines versus magicalritual practices; and (4) the presentation and implementation of an alternative religious ideal of “Later Heaven Gaebyeok” as a utopian vision aimed at overthrowing the oppression of the ruling class and replacing the existing order.
Modern Korean indigenous new religions were originally peripheral faiths—Buddhism, Seondo (immortal Daoist practice), Daoism, folk belief, shamanism, etc.—that had been fragmented and pushed to the margins in a traditional Confucian society. They emerged amid the external threat of Western imperialism and the internal contradictions of late Joseon Confucian society, at a time when the Confucian tradition of yangban aristocratic men dominated the social hierarchy as the official religion. This article examines the family resemblances of modern Korean indigenous new religions through four key aspects: (1) the modern transformation of the concept of the divine— a dynamic revitalization of transcendent reality and an enhancement of direct communication with it; (2) the faith-oriented transformation of religious practice—as Confucian self-cultivation centered on sincerity (seong 誠) and reverence (gyeong 敬) was inherited and then reappropriated into the practice of “sincerity, reverence, and faith” (seong-gyeong-sin 誠敬信), emphasizing “faith” (sin 信); (3) the divergence of practice into meditative disciplines versus magicalritual practices; and (4) the presentation and implementation of an alternative religious ideal of “Later Heaven Gaebyeok” as a utopian vision aimed at overthrowing the oppression of the ruling class and replacing the existing order.
This study analyzes the concepts of the threefold heavens, threefold spiritual natures, and three minds in Son Byeong-hui’s thought and examines their interrelations. Son classified the inner Heaven of human beings into Formless Heaven (無形天), Sentient Heaven (有情天), and Habitual Heaven (習慣天), and correspondingly identified threefold spiritual capacities: Wongakseong (圓覺性), Bigakseong (比覺性), and Hyeolgakseong (血覺性). This structure shows that the spirituality of Heaven may manifest transparently in accordance with its essence or appear in a distorted form. Drawing on Neo-Confucian notions of seongni 性 理 and simgi 心氣 and the Buddhist idea of tranquil state of emptiness, freedom, and equality. Son systematized the process by which spirituality becomes actualized through the workings of the mind. He also clarified the distinction between seongni and simgi through the dictum “cultivating both nature and mind” (性心雙修) and presented the transformation of the body (以身換性) as the path to a sanctified personality grounded in desirelessness and the principle of non-action. This article argues that such spiritual-philosophical dimensions of Son’s thought reveal the modern significance of Donghak, contributing to a reinterpretation of the intersection between religion and philosophy in modern Korean intellectual history.
This study analyzes the concepts of the threefold heavens, threefold spiritual natures, and three minds in Son Byeong-hui’s thought and examines their interrelations. Son classified the inner Heaven of human beings into Formless Heaven (無形天), Sentient Heaven (有情天), and Habitual Heaven (習慣天), and correspondingly identified threefold spiritual capacities: Wongakseong (圓覺性), Bigakseong (比覺性), and Hyeolgakseong (血覺性). This structure shows that the spirituality of Heaven may manifest transparently in accordance with its essence or appear in a distorted form. Drawing on Neo-Confucian notions of seongni 性 理 and simgi 心氣 and the Buddhist idea of tranquil state of emptiness, freedom, and equality. Son systematized the process by which spirituality becomes actualized through the workings of the mind. He also clarified the distinction between seongni and simgi through the dictum “cultivating both nature and mind” (性心雙修) and presented the transformation of the body (以身換性) as the path to a sanctified personality grounded in desirelessness and the principle of non-action. This article argues that such spiritual-philosophical dimensions of Son’s thought reveal the modern significance of Donghak, contributing to a reinterpretation of the intersection between religion and philosophy in modern Korean intellectual history.
This article examines the transformation of Buddhism and the problem of religious modernity in Won Buddhism, one of the indigenous new religions that arose in colonial Korea in the early 20th-century. Amid an era of colonial domination and social upheaval, Sotaesan Bak Jung-bin (1891–1943)— honored as Daejongsa—founded a new religious movement grounded in the Buddhadharma while seeking to reform contemporary Korean Buddhism. His thought synthesized elements of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism with cosmological insights drawn from late 19th-century movements such as Donghak (Eastern Learning), particularly the doctrine of the Later Heaven Great Awakening (hucheon gaebyeok). While affirming the Buddhadharma as the central truth of Won Buddhism, Sotaesan did not merely accommodate the spirit of modernity but sought to address and transcend the spiritual crisis of his age. Observing the rapid expansion of material civilization, he advocated a “Great Opening of Spirit” (jeongsin gaebyeok) as a religious response to the profound transformations of the modern world. This study first delineates three major ways in which Sotaesan reinterpreted Buddhist ideals in dialogue with modern change and then considers how the doctrines of Won Buddhism illuminate a distinctive trajectory of religious modernity in early 20th-century Korea.
This article examines the transformation of Buddhism and the problem of religious modernity in Won Buddhism, one of the indigenous new religions that arose in colonial Korea in the early 20th-century. Amid an era of colonial domination and social upheaval, Sotaesan Bak Jung-bin (1891–1943)— honored as Daejongsa—founded a new religious movement grounded in the Buddhadharma while seeking to reform contemporary Korean Buddhism. His thought synthesized elements of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism with cosmological insights drawn from late 19th-century movements such as Donghak (Eastern Learning), particularly the doctrine of the Later Heaven Great Awakening (hucheon gaebyeok). While affirming the Buddhadharma as the central truth of Won Buddhism, Sotaesan did not merely accommodate the spirit of modernity but sought to address and transcend the spiritual crisis of his age. Observing the rapid expansion of material civilization, he advocated a “Great Opening of Spirit” (jeongsin gaebyeok) as a religious response to the profound transformations of the modern world. This study first delineates three major ways in which Sotaesan reinterpreted Buddhist ideals in dialogue with modern change and then considers how the doctrines of Won Buddhism illuminate a distinctive trajectory of religious modernity in early 20th-century Korea.
This article interrogates the question “Is Confucianism a religion?” by shifting attention from definitional debates to the epistemological dynamics that shaped the historical emergence of this question in early 20th-century East Asia. Rather than evaluating Confucianism’s compatibility with standard definitions of religion, the study explores why such a framing was pursued in the first place. It argues that the encounter between Confucianism and the Western category of “religion” was not merely a matter of terminological translation, but a conceptual collision that gave rise to new epistemic categories and practical responses. By analyzing how Korean Confucian scholars—particularly Park Eun-sik, Yi Seung-hui, and Yi Byeong-heon—appropriated the concept of religion, the paper shows that the religionization of Confucianism functioned as a civilizational strategy amid national crisis. These thinkers did not adopt religion as a passive label, but as an active framework to rearticulate Confucian values, institutions, and missions within a modern register. However, their efforts also produced a categorical inversion, where Confucianism was subordinated under the very religious framework it sought to instrumentalize. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that the Confucian religion movement was not a misapplication of Western ideas, but an epistemological and practical response triggered by the encounter with the civilized Other. In doing so, it offers an interpretive account of Confucianism’s refracted trajectory in modern society—a path forged by its historical encounter with the category of “religion.”
This article interrogates the question “Is Confucianism a religion?” by shifting attention from definitional debates to the epistemological dynamics that shaped the historical emergence of this question in early 20th-century East Asia. Rather than evaluating Confucianism’s compatibility with standard definitions of religion, the study explores why such a framing was pursued in the first place. It argues that the encounter between Confucianism and the Western category of “religion” was not merely a matter of terminological translation, but a conceptual collision that gave rise to new epistemic categories and practical responses. By analyzing how Korean Confucian scholars—particularly Park Eun-sik, Yi Seung-hui, and Yi Byeong-heon—appropriated the concept of religion, the paper shows that the religionization of Confucianism functioned as a civilizational strategy amid national crisis. These thinkers did not adopt religion as a passive label, but as an active framework to rearticulate Confucian values, institutions, and missions within a modern register. However, their efforts also produced a categorical inversion, where Confucianism was subordinated under the very religious framework it sought to instrumentalize. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that the Confucian religion movement was not a misapplication of Western ideas, but an epistemological and practical response triggered by the encounter with the civilized Other. In doing so, it offers an interpretive account of Confucianism’s refracted trajectory in modern society—a path forged by its historical encounter with the category of “religion.”
During the period of Japanese colonial rule, many indigenous new religions in Joseon disseminated diverse apocalyptic landscapes based on secret texts collectively referred to as Jeonggamnok. Until now, these prophecies have been regarded as depicting apocalyptic landscapes of Japan’s defeat and Korea’s independence in a fixed, formulaic pattern. However, when comparing the specific apocalyptic landscapes depicted by each new religion, we can see that the prophecies of Jeonggamnok functioned not only as tools of resistance and revolution but also as means of helpless resignation and survival to adapt to the real world. This article aims to show that from the 1910s to the 1930s, prophecies based on Jeonggamnok circulated different forms of apocalyptic landscapes, moving between resistance and compromise. The apocalypse was the approaching end of the universe and history, a future already partially realized through colonization and modernization, and also an inner world where a mind withdrawn from the external found happiness. We need to closely examine the diverse apocalyptic landscapes based on Jeonggamnok in order to capture the eschatology of new religions, which has been described only in terms such as gaebyeok (cosmic renewal or great awakening) or hucheon (Later Heaven), in a more dynamic and historical context.
During the period of Japanese colonial rule, many indigenous new religions in Joseon disseminated diverse apocalyptic landscapes based on secret texts collectively referred to as Jeonggamnok. Until now, these prophecies have been regarded as depicting apocalyptic landscapes of Japan’s defeat and Korea’s independence in a fixed, formulaic pattern. However, when comparing the specific apocalyptic landscapes depicted by each new religion, we can see that the prophecies of Jeonggamnok functioned not only as tools of resistance and revolution but also as means of helpless resignation and survival to adapt to the real world. This article aims to show that from the 1910s to the 1930s, prophecies based on Jeonggamnok circulated different forms of apocalyptic landscapes, moving between resistance and compromise. The apocalypse was the approaching end of the universe and history, a future already partially realized through colonization and modernization, and also an inner world where a mind withdrawn from the external found happiness. We need to closely examine the diverse apocalyptic landscapes based on Jeonggamnok in order to capture the eschatology of new religions, which has been described only in terms such as gaebyeok (cosmic renewal or great awakening) or hucheon (Later Heaven), in a more dynamic and historical context.
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This article examines the ojadeung gwaja program of the Joseon dynasty, which institutionalized rewards for families with five sons who passed the civil service examinations. Rooted in Confucian values, this unique reward system, unlike similar achievements in China, emphasized the role of family education in fostering academic excellence. By analyzing historical records, this study explores how the program developed, highlighting its significance in promoting learning and virtue in Korean society. The research also compares similar Chinese traditions, offering a nuanced understanding of the cultural and educational context of both regions.
This article examines the ojadeung gwaja program of the Joseon dynasty, which institutionalized rewards for families with five sons who passed the civil service examinations. Rooted in Confucian values, this unique reward system, unlike similar achievements in China, emphasized the role of family education in fostering academic excellence. By analyzing historical records, this study explores how the program developed, highlighting its significance in promoting learning and virtue in Korean society. The research also compares similar Chinese traditions, offering a nuanced understanding of the cultural and educational context of both regions.
As taekwondo gained global prominence, the Kukkiwon was established as the World Taekwondo Headquarters in 1972 to meet the needs of its time. However, in due course, it became evident that the Kukkiwon’s facilities were inadequate to support taekwondo’s continued international growth. This realization led to the conceptualization of a Taekwondo Park, later renamed Taekwondowon. Despite the significant investment and opulence of the Taekwondowon, it has been plagued by questionable decisions regarding its purpose and location, remote in the Deokyusan mountain region near Muju town. This article begins by providing a brief overview of the founding of the Korea Taekwondo Association (KTA), the Kukkiwon, and the World Taekwondo Federation (WTF) for contextualization. It then examines the conceptualization, political maneuvering, and objectives behind the creation of the Taekwondowon. Finally, it analyzes the languishing state of the Taekwondowon, primarily attributed to conflicts among the various taekwondo institutions.
As taekwondo gained global prominence, the Kukkiwon was established as the World Taekwondo Headquarters in 1972 to meet the needs of its time. However, in due course, it became evident that the Kukkiwon’s facilities were inadequate to support taekwondo’s continued international growth. This realization led to the conceptualization of a Taekwondo Park, later renamed Taekwondowon. Despite the significant investment and opulence of the Taekwondowon, it has been plagued by questionable decisions regarding its purpose and location, remote in the Deokyusan mountain region near Muju town. This article begins by providing a brief overview of the founding of the Korea Taekwondo Association (KTA), the Kukkiwon, and the World Taekwondo Federation (WTF) for contextualization. It then examines the conceptualization, political maneuvering, and objectives behind the creation of the Taekwondowon. Finally, it analyzes the languishing state of the Taekwondowon, primarily attributed to conflicts among the various taekwondo institutions.
This article examines the relationship between medical science and the population problem (ingu munje) in colonial Korea. In the Autumn 2022 issue of the Korea Journal, historian John DiMoia proposed that the genealogy of population research and discourse in Korea be reconceptualized. While most research on population and fertility studies has focused on family planning (FP) and related subjects in the postwar and Cold War eras, DiMoia suggests that we observe the scientific study of these issues and related policies on the Korean Peninsula over a much longer interval, arguing that concerns about the population and population studies date back to the mobilization period of the late 1930s. He further demonstrates the involvement and role of medical scientists and demographers in FP population implementations. In response to DiMoia’s proposal, this study explores the origins of discourses and studies on population, beginning as early as the protectorate years (1905–1910) and the 1910s under Japan’s colonial rule (1910–1945). It focuses on population research by two medical scientists: the military physician Sato Tsunemaru and Kudō Takeki, an obstetrician-gynecologist. By scrutinizing the development of population discourses in early 20th-century Korea, this article sheds light on the colonial trajectory of the population problem and its management.
This article examines the relationship between medical science and the population problem (ingu munje) in colonial Korea. In the Autumn 2022 issue of the Korea Journal, historian John DiMoia proposed that the genealogy of population research and discourse in Korea be reconceptualized. While most research on population and fertility studies has focused on family planning (FP) and related subjects in the postwar and Cold War eras, DiMoia suggests that we observe the scientific study of these issues and related policies on the Korean Peninsula over a much longer interval, arguing that concerns about the population and population studies date back to the mobilization period of the late 1930s. He further demonstrates the involvement and role of medical scientists and demographers in FP population implementations. In response to DiMoia’s proposal, this study explores the origins of discourses and studies on population, beginning as early as the protectorate years (1905–1910) and the 1910s under Japan’s colonial rule (1910–1945). It focuses on population research by two medical scientists: the military physician Sato Tsunemaru and Kudō Takeki, an obstetrician-gynecologist. By scrutinizing the development of population discourses in early 20th-century Korea, this article sheds light on the colonial trajectory of the population problem and its management.
This article examines Jessie’s Diary, a unique parenting diary co-written by Korean Provisional Government (KPG) member Yang U-jo and his wife Choe Seon-hwa from 1938 to 1946. As intellectuals doubly displaced by Japanese colonial rule and wartime violence, their diary provides an intimate account of exile, family life, and survival. While existing scholarship has largely emphasized the diary’s historical significance in documenting the KPG’s experiences, this study foregrounds its literary dimensions, analyzing the form, conditions, and effects of writing. Placing Jessie’s Diary within broader literary discourse on modern diaries, this article identifies it as a diary of situation, sharing characteristics with late Joseon exile diaries and early Holocaust diaries of World War II. Through close textual analysis, this study explores how the diary functioned as a textual and material home, stabilizing the family amid displacement, reinforcing notions of modern familyhood, and preserving visions of the Korean homeland. Additionally, it demonstrates how the act of co-writing a parenting diary sustained both abstract and concrete hope during wartime upheaval. Bridging history and literary studies in its approach, this article highlights the significance of Jessie’s Diary for transnational scholarship on the meaning of self-writing under extreme conditions of war and exile.
This article examines Jessie’s Diary, a unique parenting diary co-written by Korean Provisional Government (KPG) member Yang U-jo and his wife Choe Seon-hwa from 1938 to 1946. As intellectuals doubly displaced by Japanese colonial rule and wartime violence, their diary provides an intimate account of exile, family life, and survival. While existing scholarship has largely emphasized the diary’s historical significance in documenting the KPG’s experiences, this study foregrounds its literary dimensions, analyzing the form, conditions, and effects of writing. Placing Jessie’s Diary within broader literary discourse on modern diaries, this article identifies it as a diary of situation, sharing characteristics with late Joseon exile diaries and early Holocaust diaries of World War II. Through close textual analysis, this study explores how the diary functioned as a textual and material home, stabilizing the family amid displacement, reinforcing notions of modern familyhood, and preserving visions of the Korean homeland. Additionally, it demonstrates how the act of co-writing a parenting diary sustained both abstract and concrete hope during wartime upheaval. Bridging history and literary studies in its approach, this article highlights the significance of Jessie’s Diary for transnational scholarship on the meaning of self-writing under extreme conditions of war and exile.