The Review of Korean Studies
- P-ISSN1229-0076
- E-ISSN2733-9351
- SCOPUS, ESCI
ISSN : 1229-0076
Vol.28 No.2
Abstract
Historical geography is a distinct subdiscipline within human geography whose prime concern lies with the reconstruction of past geographies and tracing their transformation in the regional context. The geographies of the past that the Schools of Cambridge, Berkeley, Kyoto, Yugong, and Lee tried to reconstruct were customarily called historical landscape as well. Initially landscape denoted a concrete realm of the region and it was only after the onset of modern capitalism in the 16th century that landscape came to indicate a genre of art or rural scenery to be consumed emotionally and visually. Geomorphology turns out to be the first which made landscape, formerly agrarian land or landscape painting, an object of disciplinary inquiry. Also responsible for the institutionalization of landscape studies were English historians, historical geographers, and Carl Sauer of Berkeley. On condition that landscape consistently transforms itself with time, European scholars set out to reconstruct cross-sections of the past and those on the other side of the Atlantic focused on changing cultural landscape in line with Sauerean culture history. The year 1980 marked the turning point which saw the transition from empiricist traditional cultural geography into theory oriented new cultural geography. The subsequent cultural turn of historical geography leads up to more nuanced, critical, and interpretative historical geography embracing the metaphors of ways of seeing, text, icon, etc. Another point of reference is that historical landscape is put to the test of time; it is shaped, transformed, and—with the exception of a few—vanished near the end of its life cycle. The fact that historical landscape both as clues about the past and as heritage is on the verge of extinguishing asks for protection and preservation. As if to respond to the urgent call, natural and cultural landscapes start to be discussed within the realms of environmental ethics and, as they represent collective memory and group identity, heritage preservation. Amid growing concern for the utilization of landscape heritage, some historical landscapes of prime importance have been designated world heritage—natural or cultural—to be visited by and preserved for world tourists and be transmitted to the next generation.
Abstract
In this article, I examine the Historical Cultural Markers, a commemorative program in Seoul to mark and preserve historic sites through 347 markers as of July 31, 2024. Most of its academic influences come from cultural and historical geographers who focused on tangible aspects, and GIS serves as a key method to restore and visualize historic sites in a shapefile format. Markers differ from other texts with the absence of physical remnants on the ground, and this nature results in conflicting information in space and time. The conflict in space occurs when a marker is installed away from its corresponding historic site, whereas the conflict in time means a discrepancy between outdated and updated information. Seoul implements its countermeasures to prevent the public misunderstanding caused by spatiotemporal conflicts, and I categorized its countermeasures into four: text and map, data accumulation, relocation, and removal. The measures help the city officials cope with contradictory data, but their treatment is always subject to unexpected incidents or the citizens’ complaints. By explaining these problems and solutions regarding the Seoul markers, I argue that the markers, the storytellers, have as much academic significance as the stories they tell.
Abstract
T his paper is fundamental study of eupchi in the Joseon dynasty, examining the state of eupseong, or walled eupseong, from the 15th century, when they originated, to the 19th century. Eupchi were the administrative, military, and economic centers of gunhyeon in Joseon. This paper regards the eupchi as the equivalent of dohoe, or pre-modern urban centers, in Korea. The approximately 330 eupchi established in the early 15th century remained largely unchanged until 1914, despite frequent elevations and demotions of their ranks. Among them, the number of walled eupchi increased from approximately 110 in the 15th century to 132–144 in the 19th century, with a clear national trend of them being located along with the coast. Joseon’s village fortresses were mostly established newly, or renovated or expanded from earthen fortifications into stone fortresses when Goryeo’s chiso fortresses, located in mountainous areas, moved to flatlands during the early Joseon dynasty. The upper and ruling class at the time did not reside in the eupchi, the administrative centers of gunhyeon, which is a unique characteristic of Joseon, distinct from contemporary Europe and East Asia. The modernization of Korea, which began in the late 19th century and continued throughout the first half of the 20th century, brought sweeping changes to society. However, Joseon’s eupchi remained outside this trend. Their transition into modern cities began in the 1970s, largely due to the fact that local leaders did not reside in those regions. Eupseong is attracting attention as tourist attractions as they hint at the landscape of pre-modern cities. Each city and county has been actively conducting restoration projects for the eupchi and eupseong for over 20 years to revitalize its local economy.
Abstract
Korean toponyms have changed across eras and geographical scales, aligning with the ideologies and identities pursued by the agents of renaming. From the renaming of the six bu 六部 during the ninth year of Yuri Isageum of Silla (32 CE) up to recent examples such as Digital Media City Station on the Seoul Gyeongui Line, names have been altered according to the preferences of the renaming agents of each period. This article introduces the characteristics and types of toponym renaming across different eras by consolidating relevant research to understand the history of renaming and transformation of Korean toponyms. The article particularly emphasizes the types and trends observed during the toponymic renaming process. First, it highlights that around 1914, during the Japanese colonial period, myeon toponyms in Gyeonggi-do were renamed in six types: compound toponyms, influential myeon toponyms, influential dong or ri toponyms, shared toponyms, old toponyms, and new toponyms. Second, the article describes six key tendencies observed during the process of toponym renaming and standardization: Sinicization of two character toponyms, unification of generic names, composite toponym creation, foreign-language toponym creation, dominant ideological toponym creation, and the replacement of physical toponyms with abstract toponyms. Finally, while reflecting on the narrow ontology and epistemology of previous toponym research conducted from an anthropocentric perspective, this paper suggests the necessity of non-Anthropocentric research on the non-human agents that have participated in the naming and renaming of toponyms.
Abstract
This essay is to retrace the French folk geographer Charles Varat’s journey in Korea in 1888 by following his route on Daedong yeojido. In the 19th century, Korea was uncharted land to Westerners. After the 1880s when treaties with Western countries proceeded, many travelers visited Korea and left records of their journeys. Varat’s trip began in October 1888 at Jemulpo and continued for approximately 2 months. In his travel, he experienced various places including Seoul, Daegu via Joryeong Pass, and Busan, after which he sailed to Wonsan. During his stay, he left detailed records of his experiences of each place and of collected folk items. The maps, drawings, and engravings of photographs featured are rich in detail compared to other travelogues. And his narration is free and unconstrained by any fixed format. Varat displays encompassing and inviting views towards Korea, who were foreigners to him, and he gains a deeper understanding of the spiritual world of Koreans. “Voyage en Corée” is about Koreans’ way of life in harmony with their environment and displays an attentiveness to uniqueness and universality both. This shows that Varat was influenced by the study of human geography of France during this period. His travelogue influenced the formation of a new image of Korea, moving beyond the previous image created by missionaries and soldiers.
Abstract
Are humans inherently good or not? Do humans inherently possess goodness, or is goodness defined by moral action? This article examines these questions through the debate between King Jeongjo and Jeong Yakyong. Previous researchers did not recognize Jeong Yakyong’s philosophical shift. In their debate, both agreed with Mencius’s claim that human nature is good. However, Jeongjo interpreted Mencius’s argument through Zhu Xiss concepts of li 理 and ki 氣, and his interpretation shared a common point with the Horak 湖洛 scholars. After Jeogjo’s death, Jeong revised his claim, asserting that humans are not innately good but possess a nature inclined toward goodness, which causes them to feel shame when they commit evil. This perspective deviated from Jeongjo and Mencius. Jeong’s assertion incorporated Matteo Ricci’s ideas, thereby enabling him to develop a unique standpoint. Therefore, Jeong argued that ren 仁 refers to a moral action, and not to an innate morality within humans. He drew this idea from Confucius’s concept of ren, which differed from the perspectives of Ricci, Mencius, and Jeongjo, as well as from Yi Ik he paid respect to. Thus, Jeong’s ideas were newly formed through Confucian moral philosophy, while Jeongjo grounded his views within the framework of Zhu.